More complicated than I thought, part 2

 My last post noted that while the polio vaccine was being tested, a significant minority of people said they they were not interested in getting it for themselves (31%) or their children (17%), but views on that issue could not be predicted by demographics or political views.*  In April 1955, as vaccination distribution was starting, 84% of parents said that they planned to have their children vaccinated, and only 5% said that they didn't.  At that point, there was a difference by education--among people who hadn't graduated from high school, 78% said they did and 7% that they didn't, while among people with a high school diploma, it was 89% and 3%.  

Then came the "Cutter incident," which led to a decline in plans to take the vaccine.  The educational difference persisted, although it was not that large.  For example, in January 1956, 43% of people without a high school diploma said they intended to get the vaccine and 43% said they didn't; among college graduates, 53% said they did and 37% said they didn't.  A pretty substantial difference by race emerged--in the same survey, 65% of blacks said they would get the vaccine, against 27% who said they wouldn't; among whites, it was only 45%-39%.  The educational difference isn't surprising--more educated people tend to be quicker to adopt new things and to have more confidence in scientific authorities.  The racial difference is interesting, and I may say more about that in a future post, but now I'll turn to politics.  

At that time, the Gallup Poll regularly asked people how they had voted in the previous election.  In 1954, there was no relationship between 1952 vote and interest in the vaccine.  That survey had several other questions on politics (e. g., opinions about Joe McCarthy) and they didn't seem related either.  In April 1955, there was no difference between people who had voted for Eisenhower or Stevenson--people who hadn't voted were less likely to say that they planned to get their children vaccinated (more "don't knows" rather than more intending not to).  But starting in May 1955, a political divide appeared.  The May survey had a question about political ideology (which was not common at the time).  The relation to plans to get your children vaccinated (asked only of parents):

                    Yes          DK/Mixed       No

Liberal          79%           15%             5%

Con.              60%           25%            14%

DK                67%           24%              9%

This relationship may have existed be because many people thought of "liberal" and "conservative" in terms of a general disposition to favor new things rather than a more strictly political sense--the connection to 1952 vote was weaker (and not statistically significant).  But by 1956, there was a clear connection to politics.  That survey asked how people would vote if there was an Eisenhower-Stevenson rematch that fall:

                                          Yes      No        DK

Eisenhower                        45%    40%       15%

Stevenson                           54%    34%      12%

Undecided                          42%     34%     24%

That's nowhere near as large as the political difference in views of the Covid vaccine, but it suggests that there might be a tendency for conservatives to be more reluctant to accept new vaccines.  That might be reflect general attitudes about novelty, or a suspicion of government action. 

*There was one demographic characteristic that made a difference--age.  Since polio was a disease of children and young adults, that difference is easy to understand.

[Data from the Roper Center for Public Opinion Research]