Thomas is correct in saying that the progressives saw rights as "historically conditioned," but that didn't mean that they thought rights were determined by governments. Rather, it meant that new social conditions could give rise to new rights, which governments should then recognize: for example, when education becomes necessary in order to get ahead, then people have a right to education, and the government has an obligation to see that people get an education.
One of his examples of the evils of progressivism is a 1927 Supreme Court decision upholding a state law mandating involuntary sterilization of "feebleminded" people: "Progressives believed that Darwinian science, the idea of ever-advancing progress written into biology itself, had proven the inherent superiority and inferiority of the races. It was only a small step for Wilson to resegregate the federal workforce. It was only another step for the government to launch sterilization programs on those deemed by the experts of the day to be unfit to reproduce, upheld by my court in Buck v. Bell in an opinion written by no less a figure than Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes." But that case didn't produce a progressive/conservative split: it was 8-1, and the dissenter didn't write an opinion. Also, the state in question was Virginia, which was not exactly a hotbed of progressivism. The decision was never overturned, but a 1942 Supreme Court decision largely ended involuntary sterilization: that was unanimous, with the opinion written by William O. Douglas, a progressive. This example illustrates two points. First, there are general currents of opinion that apply to progressives, moderates, and conservatives. Second, the general movement is towards a more expansive view of natural rights: today virtually everyone would say that that the law in Buck v. Bell violated individual rights and that the court should have struck it down.
In a recent post, I said that American conservatism has an oppositional tradition. Thomas's speech illustrates what I mean by that. He sees himself as defending American ideas, but as doing so in opposition to contemporary American institutions. He concludes with an exhortation to "find in ourselves that same level of courage that the signers of the Declaration had, so that we can do for our future what they did for theirs." This isn't just a general call for everyone to speak up for what they think is right, but a for the people who share his views to stand up against the oppressors. For example, "it may mean running for your school board when you see that they are teaching your children to hate your values and our country."
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